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\chapter{32}{Transportation Demand Management (TDM)}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm}
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\quotation{The right to have access to every building in the city by private motorcar, in an age when everyone possesses such a vehicle, is actually the right to destroy the city.}{Lewis Mumford, historian, 1895–1990}
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Transportation Demand Management seeks to do two things: 1) promote efficient travel modes (those that consume less roadway space per passenger-kilometer) to increase the effective capacity of existing infrastructure; and 2) shift travel by inefficient modes to off-peak periods to reduce congestion.\par
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TDM is a general term for strategies that increase overall system efficiency, most often by encouraging a shift from single-occupant vehicle (SOV) trips to non-SOV modes or by shifting trips out of peak periods. TDM seeks to reduce auto trips—and hopefully overall vehicle kilometers travelled—by increasing travel options, providing incentives and information to encourage and help individuals modify their travel behavior, and\slash{}or reducing the physical need to travel through transportation-efficient land uses.\par
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TDM strategies tend to be far more cost-effective in relieving regional congestion compared to expanding roadway and parking infrastructure. In fact, two of the most effective TDM strategies—roadway pricing and parking fees—have the potential to generate significant public-investment revenue while substantially improving “rush hour” traffic flow. In more and more cities and regions, the cost, political liability, and poor past performance of roadway expansion options have also led to increased emphasis on managing demand rather than expanding supply. Traffic congestion is a concern largely for four reasons:\par
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\begin{itemize}
\item Time and Money: congestion takes up valuable time and reduces quality of life for everyone involved. As congestion reaches certain levels, the person capacity of the overall transportation network declines sharply, resulting in reduced productivity. The Asian Development Bank estimates that road congestion costs Asian cities between 2 and 5 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) annually. This is consistent with worldwide trends in other regions. According to Eltis, which works in the field of sustainable urban mobility in Europe to facilitate the exchange of information, knowledge, and experiences, congestion amounts to US\$316.6 billion (2 percent of GDP) as a result of delays, fuel use, and the resulting higher transport costs.% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/transportation-demand-management-tdm.src: lines 22-30: code points 1-0
\item Growth: congestion acts as a limit on future economic expansion. Fear of worsening congestion is one of the most common reasons new development projects fail to gain support, even when they are designed to shift growth from auto-oriented, outer regions to public-transport-rich, walkable city centers.% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/transportation-demand-management-tdm.src: lines 30-33: code points 1-0
\item Emissions: cars stuck in congestion produce significantly more local pollution and carbon dioxide per mile than free-flowing traffic.% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/transportation-demand-management-tdm.src: lines 33-35: code points 1-0
\item Mobility: when a freeway is heavily congested at peak times, it may be moving fewer cars than it does in the middle of the night. To keep people, cars, and buses moving, it is important that the street system be managed to avoid instances of severe congestion.% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/transportation-demand-management-tdm.src: lines 35-37: code points 1-65
\end{itemize}
% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/transportation-demand-management-tdm.src: lines 22-37: code points 1-65

\emphasis{TDM and BRT}\par
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BRT, as well as public transport improvements in general, are considered forms of TDM, since they expand access to, and increase the performance of, alternatives to SOV travel. When such capital-intensive TDM investments are made, complementary TDM strategies can play a critical role in maximizing their congestion-relief benefits. These can include moderate-cost strategies such as public transport pass programs, no-cost strategies such as reduced parking requirements, or revenue-positive strategies such as roadway pricing.\par
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From Bogotá to Paris, enhancements to public transport have been most successful when coupled with other TDM elements. Development banks, for this reason, increasingly favor BRT projects that are packaged with a series of TDM strategies designed to shift more travel away from SOVs and onto public transport. The following provides an overview of TDM strategies that can be particularly effective, not only in improving the efficiency of regional transportation systems, but also in enhancing the benefits of BRT and similar public transport investments.\par
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\section{1}{Cost-Based Strategies}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:cost-based-strategies}
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\quotation{What if we fail to stop the erosion of cities by automobiles? ... In that case, we Americans will hardly need to ponder a mystery that has troubled men for millennia: What is the purpose of life? For us, the answer will be clear, established and for all practical purposes indisputable: The purpose of life is to produce and consume automobiles.}{Jane Jacobs, writer and activist, 1916–2006}
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One of the most significant barriers to TDM success is the trip-level cost disparity between personal auto and public transport modes. Most of the costs associated with driving come in the form of “sunk” costs, such as purchasing, insuring, and maintaining a car. Even fuel costs are a form of “sunk” cost, as most vehicles can complete several trips between refueling stops. This creates the perception that most individual SOV trips can be completed for free, especially where roadway and parking charges are uncommon.\par
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This puts public transport at a significant competitive disadvantage, as nearly all systems require riders to pick up a substantial portion of their capital and operating costs in the form of trip-based fares. By incentivizing SOV use, these pricing cues have propelled the current global epidemic of gridlock, especially as private vehicle ownership rates rise within developing countries. As such, TDM strategies that reverse these cues tend to be the most effective in changing travel and mode-choice patterns. The most common among these are roadway pricing, parking fees, and public transport subsidies.\par
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\subsection{1}{Roadway Pricing}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:cost-based-strategies:subSection:roadway-pricing}
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		\fignote{1}{London’s Congestion Charge zone has improved traffic congestion by dissuading driving into the city center during peak periods while also generating revenue for better bus service.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:londons-congestion-charge-zone-has-improved-traffic-congestion-by-dissuading-driving-into-the-city-center-during-peak-periods-while-also-generating-revenue-for-better-bus-service}}{ITDP.}
	}
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		\fignote{2}{Singapore’s Electronic Road Pricing (ERP) system has been effective in curbing vehicle use, especially during peak periods.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:singapores-electronic-road-pricing-erp-system-has-been-effective-in-curbing-vehicle-use-especially-during-peak-periods}}{Manfred Breithaupt.}
	}
\fi

Many economists agree that traffic congestion is the result of a failure to properly charge for the value of road access and see congestion-based roadway pricing as the optimal solution. Compared to traditional road pricing, which assesses a fixed toll on each driver at all times, congestion-based pricing focuses on peak travel periods. At all other times, fees are reduced or dropped altogether.\par
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Congestion pricing places a monetary value on consuming roadway capacity during peak travel times. Motorists who wish to enter a congestion zone must pay a fee to gain legal access to the use of the road. By charging for the use of the road resource, only those who value road access more than the congestion charge will travel during the peak times.\par
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When well executed, congestion charging can reduce traffic congestion and pollution and raise considerable revenue to expand mobility choices. London, Singapore, Stockholm, and Tehran have implemented pricing schemes in conjunction with new public transport investments. The results have shown a marked reduction in congestion as well as the generation of revenue for supporting sustainable transport options.\par
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\subsection{2}{Parking Fees}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:cost-based-strategies:subSection:parking-fees}
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Since all vehicle trips begin and end with parking, assessing parking fees may present a TDM alternative to roadway pricing that is simpler to implement but just as effective in attaching a cost to peak-hour SOV travel. Free or underpriced parking is one of the most significant factors in peak-hour mode choice, with a strong correlation between those who drive and those with a convenient, subsidized parking space waiting for them at the end of their trip. The fact that governments lack control over these subsidies may be one reason that cities try roadway pricing before comprehensive parking reform to combat congestion. The causes and conditions of parking subsidies, however, should be examined as part of any serious TDM effort.\par
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\subsubsection{1}{Public Parking}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:cost-based-strategies:subSection:parking-fees:subSubSection:public-parking}
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Cities often deeply discount the parking that they control. While this is usually limited to on-street parking, many have gone so far as to build extremely expensive off-street parking that, upon completion, is offered up for free or at prices far too low to recoup its costs. Typically, this is done out of a sense that, without affordable parking options, city-center businesses will lose customers, employees, and tenants to more accommodating locations. For decades, this has led to hundreds of city centers sacrificing some of their best real estate for parking and, in doing so, eroding the very qualities people have historically sought in city centers.\par
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On-street parking should always be priced based on demand, primarily to keep an optimal level of availability for arriving vehicles. This improves access to local businesses and reduces congestion created by long searches for underpriced parking. Furthermore, if most spaces are full, it is a clear indication that their cost is not an impediment to attracting customers. To avoid the political risks of supporting higher parking rates, many cities have shifted price-setting authority to planning departments or to third-party “franchisees.”\par
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While on-street parking emerged as an adaptive use of roadway curbs, off-street parking requires dedicated, and typically very costly, infrastructure. Paying off the cost of this infrastructure on parking fees alone is a challenge without a robust economy and repressed parking demand. This is why, in most cities where off-street parking is privately built, these spaces cost several times more per hour than on-street parking.\par
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Complaints about the cost of these garages have led many cities to subsidize off-street parking construction with the intention of providing free or cheap parking. This can compound TDM setbacks created by underpriced on-street parking by reassuring travelers that, even if they cannot find a spot on the street, there will be a low-cost option nearby. When these facilities begin to attract more demand than they can accommodate, many cities are tempted to construct new facilities, rather than raising rates in the original facilities. Setting off-street parking rates based on demand, and forestalling any future expansions until rates are sufficient to pay for them, is a necessary first step in reversing this well-intended parking approach that has, nonetheless, proved disastrous to public transport ridership and service quality in so many cities.\par
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\subsubsection{2}{Private Parking}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:cost-based-strategies:subSection:parking-fees:subSubSection:private-parking}
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Private developers have no interest in constructing unprofitable parking. As such, they are rarely the cause of either underpriced or oversupplied parking, especially where land values and\slash{}or construction costs are especially high. Rather, the biggest generators of such conditions, in most places, are regulatory controls that mandate excessive levels of off-street parking in conjunction with new land-use development.\par
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The primary logic behind these mandates is that if developers are required to provide excessive amounts of parking for their projects, they will not be able to charge much for spaces, and, therefore, their tenants will not be tempted to park on the street. Particularly in cities where on-street parking is free or cheap, this tends to translate into a lot of extra parking and severely depressed parking rates. Meanwhile, the developer is left to find some way to extract value from dozens of unwanted parking spaces.\par
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In these circumstances, the unwanted spaces are typically given away as free customer parking, or offered as housing or office space amenities. Because parking rates do not contribute to offsetting the cost of the unwanted parking, this cost must be recouped through sales and lease rates for housing or building space within the development. This “bundling” strategy increases the local cost of living, working, and operating a business. More important for BRT and TDM efforts, bundling removes a powerful incentive for all residents, tenants, or visitors to consider SOV alternatives, while creating an unfair and counterproductive burden on those who will use those alternatives regardless, whether out of choice or necessity.\par
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Cities that are serious about BRT and\slash{}or TDM should eliminate all minimum parking requirements, at least near BRT and other public transport corridors, and in all walkable city centers. If such requirements do not lead to depressed parking rates and subsidized driving, then they were set below what developers would have provided anyway. Put another way, if minimum parking requirements have any effect at all on development, it will invariably be a net negative in terms of TDM and BRT support.\par
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\subsection{3}{Public Transport Subsidies}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:cost-based-strategies:subSection:public-transport-subsidies}
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In recent years, a growing number of public transport agencies have teamed with universities, employers, developers, and even residential neighborhoods to provide universal public transport passes. These passes typically allow unlimited rides on local or regional public transport providers for low monthly fees, which are often absorbed entirely by the employer, school, developer, or neighborhood association. Universal public transport–pass programs offer the opportunity to purchase deeply discounted public transport passes on the condition that there is universal enrollment of students, employees, tenants, and residents.\par
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The principle of universal public transport passes is similar to that of group insurance plans. Public transport agencies can offer deep bulk discounts when selling passes to a large group, with universal enrollment, on the basis that not all those offered the pass will actually use it regularly. On the other hand, automatic group enrollment in a free public transport benefit increases the likelihood that many who would otherwise never try public transport will take advantage of the benefit. As such, several public transport pass programs have produced remarkable shifts toward public transport modes and away from driving commutes.\par
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Other strategies for reducing the cost of public transport use include:\par
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\begin{itemize}
\item Direct public transport-cost purchases\slash{}reimbursements;% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/cost-based-strategies.src: lines 135-136: code points 1-0
\item Allowing commuters to deduct public transport commute costs from income taxes;% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/cost-based-strategies.src: lines 136-137: code points 1-0
\item Operating free shuttles to public transport stations;% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/cost-based-strategies.src: lines 137-138: code points 1-0
\item Offering a cash benefit to employees who forego parking benefits.% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/cost-based-strategies.src: lines 138-138: code points 1-71
\end{itemize}
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\section{2}{Supply-Based Strategies}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supply-based-strategies}
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\quotation{As it turns out, we humans love moving around. And if you expand people’s ability to travel, they will do it more, living farther away from where they work and therefore being forced to drive into town. Making driving easier also means that people take more trips in the car than they otherwise would.}{Adam Mann, writer and reporter}
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The cost-based strategies outlined above make use of intrinsic market mechanisms to affect travel mode choice. By increasing the cost of less efficient modes, these strategies can reduce SOV-travel demand and increase demand for more efficient modes, in the same way the demand\slash{}supply equilibrium is achieved for any good of limited supply. An alternative to this approach that makes use of similar market logic is to directly reduce the capacity of roadway and parking infrastructure.\par
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\subsection{1}{Roadway Reductions}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supply-based-strategies:subSection:roadway-reductions}
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		\img{\hsize}{integration/assets/824e02c9fd3c02e217856d42c8a6114efc0562ba.jpeg}
		\fignote{3}{Before image of the Cheonggyecheon corridor project in Seoul, South Korea. Despite tearing down one of the principal expressways to the city, the resulting congestion impacts were minimal, especially since the new BRT corridors helped gain ridership from former car users.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:before-image-of-the-cheonggyecheon-corridor-project-in-seoul-south-korea-despite-tearing-down-one-of-the-principal-expressways-to-the-city-the-resulting-congestion-impacts-were-minimal-especially-since-the-new-brt-corridors-helped-gain-ridership-from-former-car-users}}{Seoul Institute.}
	}
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		\fignote{4}{After image of the Cheonggyecheon corridor project in Seoul, South Korea. Despite tearing down one of the principal expressways to the city, the resulting congestion impacts were minimal, especially since the new BRT corridors helped gain ridership from former car users.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:after-image-of-the-cheonggyecheon-corridor-project-in-seoul-south-korea-despite-tearing-down-one-of-the-principal-expressways-to-the-city-the-resulting-congestion-impacts-were-minimal-especially-since-the-new-brt-corridors-helped-gain-ridership-from-former-car-users}}{Seoul Institute.}
	}
\fi

Priority public transport infrastructure on roadways serves an important purpose beyond providing a high-quality service to public transport customers. The simultaneous reduction in road space for cars creates a powerful incentive for motorists to shift to public transport use. While some may see the use of road space by public transport systems as a sacrifice, this consumption of car space may be one of the greatest overall benefits of a BRT service.\par
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Similar benefits can be secured for bicycle transport, improving both the level of service and utilization of in-road bike facilities by claiming more space for them within existing roadway networks. This can help ensure that city and regional networks are highly connective, consistent, and accommodating of cyclists with a wide range of abilities, experience, and confidence. Beyond improving the quality and utilization of alternate modes, however, roadway-capacity reductions can generate general traffic-reduction benefits.\par
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Induced traffic is a well-documented phenomenon in which additional road construction results in more traffic and, eventually, more overall congestion. While additional road construction leads to a temporary reduction in congestion conditions, those improved conditions eventually attract additional traffic, especially when there is latent demand for, and few non-traffic barriers to, private vehicle usage. This pattern essentially means that a city cannot build its way out of gridlock.\par
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History suggests that the process works in reverse as well. Experience from bridge, street, and highway closings around the world indicates that a reduction in road capacity tends to reduce overall traffic levels. This disappearance of traffic, known as “traffic degeneration” or “traffic evaporation,” gives one of the strongest indications to the viability of developing BRT infrastructure. Particularly relevant for cities struggling with air quality and other emissions issues, this also points to the fact that a reduction in private auto lanes can have an overall beneficial impact on the city’s urban environment.\par
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\subsection{2}{Roadway Restrictions}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supply-based-strategies:subSection:roadway-restrictions}
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Roadway access can also be reduced through temporal measures that restrict access to key roadways at specific times and\slash{}or on specific days, either arbitrarily or based on vehicle occupancy.\par
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\subsubsection{1}{HOV\slash{}HOT Lanes}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supply-based-strategies:subSection:roadway-restrictions:subSubSection:hovhot-lanes}
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The most common of these restrictions is the high-occupancy vehicle lane (HOV), common on freeway systems across the world. These lanes are reserved for vehicles carrying a stated minimum number of travelers, in an attempt to encourage higher vehicle-occupancy patterns during rush hour periods. An increasingly common variation of this traditional TDM practice, known as a high-occupancy\slash{}toll lane (HOT), allows access to SOVs whose drivers pay a toll to avoid the more congested mixed-traffic lanes. Similarly, reducing bridge and other tolls for high-occupancy vehicles has been successful in promoting carsharing in places like San Francisco.\par
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\subsubsection{2}{License Plate–Based Restrictions}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supply-based-strategies:subSection:roadway-restrictions:subSubSection:license-platebased-restrictions}
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Deteriorating bus speeds, severe traffic congestion, and air contamination in some developing cities have prompted officials to establish roadway restrictions based on license plate numbers. The last digit in a vehicle’s license plate number determines the days during which the vehicle is permitted to operate in a particular zone of the city. The success of license plate restriction programs has been mixed.\par
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In cities such as Mexico City and São Paulo, the programs had initial success that faded over time, and the crudeness of the approach had some unintended consequences. Many residents in these cities avoided the restrictions by simply purchasing a second vehicle with a license plate that ends with a different number. Thus, by possessing two vehicles with different numbers, the person is still able to travel each day by private vehicle. Further, since the second car was typically a lower-quality used vehicle, the end result meant that even more emissions were created.\par
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Bogotá has developed a license plate restriction program that has succeeded in removing 40 percent of the city’s private vehicles from the streets each workday during peak periods. The Bogotá approach has succeeded by carefully designing a system to discourage the purchase of second (or third) vehicles. First, Bogotá has chosen to prohibit four license plate numbers each day. Table 14.3 lists the license plate numbers that are restricted by the day of the week.\par
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\tabletitle{1}{License-plate restrictions in Bogotá}
\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:table:license-plate-restrictions-in-bogot}
\halign to 30\tablemodule{%
	\vtop{\sffamily\footnotesize\noindent\hsize=8\tablemodule#}\hbox to 0.5\tablemodule{}&
	\hbox to 0.5\tablemodule{}\vtop{\sffamily\footnotesize\noindent\hsize=21\tablemodule#}\cr
	\color{gray75}\bfseries Day of week& \color{gray75}\bfseries License plates ending with these numbers are restricted from use \cr
	\noalign{\vskip 1mm} \hline \noalign{\vskip 2mm} 
	\color{gray50}Monday&
	\color{gray50}1, 2, 3, 4\cr
	\noalign{\vskip 2mm 
}	\color{gray50}Tuesday&
	\color{gray50}5, 6, 7, 8\cr
	\noalign{\vskip 2mm 
}	\color{gray50}Wednesday&
	\color{gray50}9, 0, 1, 2\cr
	\noalign{\vskip 2mm 
}	\color{gray50}Thursday&
	\color{gray50}3, 4, 5, 6\cr
	\noalign{\vskip 2mm 
}	\color{gray50}Friday&
	\color{gray50}7, 8, 9, 0\cr
	\noalign{\vskip 2mm 
}}
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		\fignote{5}{A well-designed license plate scheme can easily avoid the problem of second-car purchases.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:a-well-designed-license-plate-scheme-can-easily-avoid-the-problem-of-second-car-purchases}}{Fundación Ciudad Humana.}
	}
\fi

The restriction of four license plate numbers each day means that a driver would have to purchase three vehicles to cover every day of the week. Bogotá’s vehicle prohibition only applies during peak hours. Thus, vehicles with prohibited numbers may still travel at nonpeak hours. The net effect is to encourage a shift either to using public transport or a private vehicle at a nonpeak time.\par
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This flexibility in conjunction with the restriction applying to four plate numbers has meant that Bogotá has not experienced a problem with persons purchasing multiple vehicles to overcome the restriction. The measure has contributed to an estimated 10 percent of former car users shifting to public transport for their daily commute.\par
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\subsection{3}{Parking Reductions}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supply-based-strategies:subSection:parking-reductions}
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\subsubsection{1}{Public Parking}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supply-based-strategies:subSection:parking-reductions:subSubSection:public-parking}
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		\img{\hsize}{integration/assets/eee3b18b7303dfaf5ce6d42d59998bb8a82c61d0.jpg}
		\fignote{6}{Parklet in what was formerly a parking lane in São Paulo. Photo\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:parklet-in-what-was-formerly-a-parking-lane-in-so-paulo-photo}}{ITDP.}
	}
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		\fignote{7}{Bogotá has eliminated much of its previous on-street parking in order to deter private vehicle use. The former parking spaces are being converted into more attractive public space.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:bogot-has-eliminated-much-of-its-previous-on-street-parking-in-order-to-deter-private-vehicle-use-the-former-parking-spaces-are-being-converted-into-more-attractive-public-space}}{Lloyd Wright.}
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		\fignote{8}{Illegal parking on sidewalks discourages walking and sends a message that private vehicles are more important than people. Dhaka, India.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:illegal-parking-on-sidewalks-discourages-walking-and-sends-a-message-that-private-vehicles-are-more-important-than-people-dhaka-india}}{ITDP.}
	}
\fi

Removing on-street parking is almost always necessary to implement effective BRT lines. Beyond what is necessitated by the operating needs of the BRT service, however, removing parking can further support general public transport use by reducing the overall parking supply along public transport corridors. When not serving as BRT lanes, these spaces can be replaced with a mixed-traffic lane, a bicycle lane, a footpath, a parklet, or streetscaping (landscaping, lighting, seating, way-finding\slash{}signage, etc.).\par
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Bogotá provides an example of aggressive on-street parking reductions in support of BRT. The government removed approximately one-third of all parking spaces in the city’s central areas, prior to the start of its TransMilenio system. The end result was the termination of free city parking and the reclamation of public space along public transport corridors. In many instances, the previous parking spaces have been converted to attractive new pedestrian environments (Figures 32.6 and 32.7).\par
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Where parking restrictions are poorly enforced, formally provided spaces may represent only a portion of the overall on-street parking supply (Figure 32.8). In such places, the use of physical structures like very high curbs and bollards may be necessary to keep motorists off the footpaths. In general, though, use of trees or other streetscape elements offer a more aesthetically pleasing form of protective barrier.\par
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Some countries use bicycle parking as a bollard, which provides a useful additional TDM amenity (Figure 32.9).\par
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\ifxetex
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		\fignote{9}{Bicycle-parking facilities can double as bollards and useful infrastructure for cyclists. Copenhagen, Denmark.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:bicycle-parking-facilities-can-double-as-bollards-and-useful-infrastructure-for-cyclists-copenhagen-denmark}}{ITDP.}
	}
\fi

\subsubsection{2}{Private Parking}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supply-based-strategies:subSection:parking-reductions:subSubSection:private-parking}
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In most cities, the majority of off-street parking is privately controlled, and therefore outside the direct control of municipal governments. There are several ways, nonetheless, for governments to influence general off-street parking supplies within their city centers and public transport corridors. While each option is indirect, their overall impact on parking supplies can be even more substantial than removing on-street parking.\par
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\subsubsection{3}{Development Regulations}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supply-based-strategies:subSection:parking-reductions:subSubSection:development-regulations}
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A prerequisite for reducing off-street parking supplies is to stop requiring developers to provide it in conjunction with land-use projects. In many cases, cities require more parking than developers would choose to provide on their own. As a rule, developers will include as many parking spaces as possible, up to the point where the added value of the next space falls below its construction cost. Requiring developers to provide parking beyond this point depresses area parking prices through supply saturation.\par
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Conversely, where city planners have legitimate concerns that strong market demand may lead developers to provide more parking than is desired, cities should consider establishing parking maximums. These regulations operate on the same premise as minimum requirements—establishing acceptable levels of off-street parking linked to the scale and nature of each development. As opposed to minimums, however, maximums focus on mitigating problems associated with parking provided above, rather than below, these levels.\par
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Another option for using development regulations to reduce off-street supplies is to include parking areas in the calculation of maximum development densities. To the substantial cost of constructing parking spaces, such a regulation would add the cost of losing a square meter of residential or commercial space for every square meter of parking provided.\par
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In 2014, São Paulo adopted into law a master plan that addresses parking with density and transit. The plan is now mandatory as a law sanctioned by Mayor Fernando Haddad after being approved by the City of São Paulo House of Representatives. It eliminated parking minimums citywide and set limits on how much parking can exist around transit corridors, paving the way for a new legacy in one of the world’s largest and most congested cities.\par
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Maximum parking ceilings have been instituted around the public transport corridors. Developers building above this ceiling must pay an impact fee and the parking provision comes out of the allowable building space rather than functioning as an accessory to the main use.\par
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\subsubsection{4}{Taxes and Levies}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supply-based-strategies:subSection:parking-reductions:subSubSection:taxes-and-levies}
% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/supply-based-strategies.src: lines 193-212: code points 1-26

Governments can also reduce privately controlled off-street supplies by increasing the cost of maintaining each space. Taxing parking revenue is a common practice that can effectively reduce commercial-parking profitability, and thus commercial-parking supplies, in economically vibrant city centers and public-transport corridors. In areas where most off-street parking is subsidized or provided at cost, however, taxes may have limited impact on supplies.\par
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A parking levy, by contrast, can increase the cost of all parking, regardless of demand. A levy works by assessing an annual fee on all nonresidential parking spaces. Property owners are thus presented with a recurring incentive to convert underutilized or unprofitable spaces to other uses. Cities that have implemented this strategy include Sydney and Perth, in Australia, and Nottingham, England, which has pegged all levy revenue to funding the expansion of its tram network.\par
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		\fignote{10}{With a parking space levy, shops have an inherent incentive to only provide the number of parking spaces that are truly required. Ahmedabad, India.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:with-a-parking-space-levy-shops-have-an-inherent-incentive-to-only-provide-the-number-of-parking-spaces-that-are-truly-required-ahmedabad-india}}{ITDP.}
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		\img{\hsize}{integration/assets/2dc6bca8b2cb897cc40299dc50fd54bea97dabfc.jpeg}
		\fignote{11}{A parking levy can also lead to the redevelopment of surface and setback parking such as the one pictured in Ulaanbataar, Mongolia, to activate sidewalk frontages improving public transport access.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:a-parking-levy-can-also-lead-to-the-redevelopment-of-surface-and-setback-parking-such-as-the-one-pictured-in-ulaanbataar-mongolia-to-activate-sidewalk-frontages-improving-public-transport-access}}{ITDP.}
	}
\fi

\section{3}{Supportive Strategies}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supportive-strategies}
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\quotation{We are all here on earth to help others; what on earth the others are here for I don’t know.}{W. H. Auden, poet, 1907–1973}
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\subsection{1}{Ride Share and Ride Matching}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supportive-strategies:subSection:ride-share-and-ride-matching}
% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/supportive-strategies.src: lines 6-14: code points 1-90

One of the greatest impediments to carpool and vanpool formation can be finding suitable partners with similar work schedules, origins, and destinations. Facilitated ride share matching can overcome this obstacle by enabling commuters who are interested in ride sharing to enter their travel preferences into a database and receive a list of potential ride share partners. The success of these programs is largely determined by the number of participants and, in turn, the number of potential matches that can be made. Ride share programs may be administered through individual employers, but are often most effective when coordinated through a transportation management association or other larger-scale program.\par
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\subsection{2}{Carsharing}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supportive-strategies:subSection:carsharing}
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Shared-vehicle programs are gaining wider and wider application across the globe. Carsharing enables commuters to use non-car modes for most trips while retaining driving options for work-related trips. It allows users to access a car and pay based on use, taking away the burdens of ownership, parking, maintenance, and acquiring liability insurance. According to extensive research conducted by Susan Shaheen at the University of California, Berkeley, round-trip carsharing has an overall net effect of decreasing car ownership. Even while some driving increases, other users decrease their driving trips, leading to an overall driving decline that removes an average of eight to thirteen private cars from the road. Vehicles placed near transit stations help bridge last\slash{}first mile gaps in the conventional transport network, supporting investment in public transit and a shift away from private car use.\par
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\subsection{3}{Guaranteed Ride Home}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supportive-strategies:subSection:guaranteed-ride-home}
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Guaranteed Ride Home (GRH) provides a limited amount of free taxi rides or use of carshare vehicles for unplanned trips home (e.g., working late past the last scheduled bus, carpool passenger with sick child at school) by employees who commit to non-driving commute modes. Statistics on such programs indicate that although they tend to have relatively low employee utilization rates, they have very high satisfaction rates from participants, providing a high benefit at low cost. Originating as an employer-based benefit, GRH is increasingly offered through regional planning and transportation organizations.\par
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\subsection{4}{Leadership and Coordination}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supportive-strategies:subSection:leadership-and-coordination}
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Highly successful TDM programs often have a strong local or regional champion and leader. Some regions have dynamic political leaders who eloquently make the case for collective action in managing travel demand. In other places, a major institution leads by example, encouraging other area employers or traffic generators to join in the effort.\par
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In 2010, the city of Rochester, Minnesota, USA, adopted a comprehensive mobility plan that included aggressive mode-split goals for 2030. The Mayo Clinic, recognizing its prominent role in the city’s economy and the value that the city’s goals held for the clinic, partnered with the city to establish a voluntary member-based organization to implement a series of commuter-benefit programs, including an extensive commuter-bus system. The Mayo Clinic has continued to collaborate with the city on a bicycle master plan and a bike-share feasibility study.\par
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\subsection{5}{Performance Monitoring}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supportive-strategies:subSection:performance-monitoring}
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Equally important to leadership is defining measurable goals and regularly evaluating progress toward them. We cannot manage what we do not measure, goes the adage. Today’s leading regions set mode-split targets, define strategies and policies to achieve them, establish appropriate measures for performance, and standardize data collection and reporting schedules and responsibilities. This not only helps clarify the purpose of TDM investments and initiatives, but, by highlighting what has been the most\slash{}least successful, it also improves the effectiveness of future efforts.\par
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\subsection{6}{Development Practices and Processes}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supportive-strategies:subSection:development-practices-and-processes}
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Cities are dominated by “durable infrastructure” that allows land use to evolve over time in response to changing populations, interests, and market demands. Some of the most dramatic and effective TDM programs have anticipated cumulative growth impacts and established expectations and requirements for development to incorporate appropriate TDM measures. Establishing clear, consistent, and predictable policies can ensure equitable review and approval processes for diverse developments, whether they occur next year or next decade, and reduce the ultimate cost and traffic consequences of growth. The best examples have adopted comprehensive public policies and established development review processes that require TDM for all major developments that include bold strategies like maximum parking allowances and funding for bicycle infrastructure.\par
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\subsection{7}{Trip Planning Assistance}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supportive-strategies:subSection:trip-planning-assistance}
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Uncertainty is a tremendous deterrent to change. One of the largest obstacles to non-SOV travel is the lack of information on alternate-mode options. Many commuters simply do not know the range of travel options available to them, their cost, how to use them, or when they are available.\par
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Disseminating information broadly is a major challenge and can require substantial funds, but it can also bring about the largest return on investment. Advertisements and promotional campaigns, such as carpool days, commute challenge weeks, or ride share months can encourage commuters to try different modes once or twice, which is sometimes all it takes to change behavior.\par
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Technology has been an enormous boon in encouraging and enabling management of travel demand. Travellers now have available to them an array of trip-time and cost calculators—many of which include environmental or social-cost calculations as well. Emerging tools include dynamic ride sharing and other social media connections. These convenient tools allow travellers to determine the right mode of travel for them on that particular day according to their particular needs.\par
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One challenge, however, is that every system seems to have its own website, forcing travellers to consult multiple sources in order to plan their trip most efficiently. Several cities however, have begun to integrate information across a variety of modes and systems including public transport, bicycle, taxi, and driving. In November 2012, the Regional Transportation Authority of Chicago launched a dedicated website and app that combine the information of multiple public transport providers, as well as weather and traffic updates and information on major area attractions.\par
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\subsection{8}{Education and Outreach}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:supportive-strategies:subSection:education-and-outreach}
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Social marketing and incentive programs are proving increasingly popular and effective at promoting non-SOV travel. Social marketing seeks to influence individuals’ behavior to achieve a broad social good (in the case of TDM, reducing SOV trips). Awareness and educational programs, workshops, and community-outreach efforts may take the form of promotional campaigns similar to product advertising.\par
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Incentive programs build on this marketing effort to frame non-motorized, public transport, and high-occupancy travel as a social norm, by offering prizes or cash rewards to residents who use non-SOV modes. In Seattle, Washington, USA, the Metro’s bi-annual Wheel Options campaign gives commuters a chance to register and win a large variety of prizes for getting to work any way other than driving alone. The county’s In Motion programs extend this opportunity to residents in general.\par
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The weekly “no driving day” program in Seoul, South Korea, is another leading example. People can get free parking, reduced-cost car washing, reduced taxes, and avoid congestion charges if they use alternative transport at least one day every week. Participants receive stickers for the rear windows of their car, which is monitored using radio-frequency-identification (RFID) technology to assess compliance. According to the city, the program reduced traffic volumes by 3.7 percent since 2003 with a CO2 reduction of 10 percent, and fuel savings amounting to USD\$50 million.\par
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\section{4}{Case Studies}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:case-studies}
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\quotation{Yesterday I parked my car in a tow-away zone... when I came back the entire area was missing.}{Steven Wright, comedian and actor, 1955–}
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\subsection{1}{BRT and Parking Management in Ottawa, Canada}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:case-studies:subSection:brt-and-parking-management-in-ottawa-canada}
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The Ottawa Transitway is perhaps the most successful busway in North America. In a city of 800,000 people, the daily ridership on the Transitway is 240,000. Like the five true BRTs in the United States, the Ottawa Transitway’s four corridors score as bronze on \emphasis{The} \emphasis{BRT Standard}. The success of the Ottawa Transitway can be attributed to three factors:\par
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\begin{enumerate}
\item Federal government offices are concentrated in the city center;% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/case-studies.src: lines 12-13: code points 1-0
\item Free parking was discontinued for civil servants in 1975;% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/case-studies.src: lines 13-14: code points 1-0
\item Zoning bylaws have decreased required parking spaces.% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/case-studies.src: lines 14-14: code points 1-61
\end{enumerate}
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Parking reductions along with density increases are viewed as incentives for developing near the public transport stations, subject to individual approval. As a result, development did occur around the BRT stations. At the same time, park-and-ride facilities were permitted only at the termini of the Transitway.\par
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When the Transitway opened in 1983, the federal government, Ottawa’s largest employer, began eliminating free parking for its employees and reduced parking availability downtown by 15 percent. Additionally, retail centers receive a reduction of twenty-five parking spaces for every bus stop provided either on-site or through a physically integrated Transitway station.\par
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Today, the City of Ottawa’s zoning bylaw includes progressive parking policies such as:\par
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\begin{itemize}
\item Reduced parking minimums in the central area and downtown;% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/case-studies.src: lines 26-27: code points 1-0
\item Parking maximums within 600 meters of public transport stations (BRT or LRT) and reduced maximums in the central area and downtown;% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/case-studies.src: lines 27-29: code points 1-0
\item A shared parking policy in which users that generate parking demand at different times of the day are able to share spots that count toward their minimum;% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/case-studies.src: lines 29-31: code points 1-0
\item The ability for developers to pay cash that will allow them to reduce their parking requirements;% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/case-studies.src: lines 31-32: code points 1-0
\item Priority to short-term parking in developments so that commuters are more likely to use public transport.% @ guide/32-transportation_demand_management/case-studies.src: lines 32-33: code points 1-10
\end{itemize}
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The city also employs a parking pricing strategy that discourages long-term parking.\par
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\subsection{2}{Congestion Pricing in London}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:case-studies:subSection:congestion-pricing-in-london}
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The introduction of congestion charging in London helped broaden the appeal of congestion charging to transport planners worldwide. Over the past decades, London’s traffic congestion had worsened to the point that average traffic speeds were similar to speeds of the horse carts utilized in London during the nineteenth century. In response, London’s Mayor Ken Livingstone decided to implement a congestion charging scheme in the center core of the city.\par
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\ifxetex
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		\img{\hsize}{integration/assets/f8187500231250c95f01f8078d5ab7574fb2c4c1.jpeg}
		\fignote{12}{Motorists have a range of options for paying the London congestion charge, including local shops.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:motorists-have-a-range-of-options-for-paying-the-london-congestion-charge-including-local-shops}}{Lloyd Wright.}
	}
\fi

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		\fignote{13}{Camera technology is utilized in London to enforce the congestion charge.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:camera-technology-is-utilized-in-london-to-enforce-the-congestion-charge}}{Lloyd Wright.}
	}
\fi

As of 2012, a US\$16 fee is imposed upon vehicles each time they enter the central zone from 7:00AM to 6:00PM, Monday through Friday. Motorists can pay through a variety of mechanisms including the internet, telephone, mobile text messages, self-service machines, post, and retail outlets (Figure 32.12). Those who take advantage of Autopay only pay US\$14.25 each time that they are billed to a debit or credit card. Motorists have until midnight on the day of entry to pay the charge. Payments can still be made the next day, although the price increases to US\$19. Subsequently, a US\$190 fine is applied to motorists who fail to pay by midnight of the following charging day. If paid within fourteen days, the penalty is reduced to US\$95. If no payment is made after twenty-eight days, the fine increases.\par
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The London system differs from the Singapore system in several ways. First, the London system does not require an in-vehicle electronic unit, and requires no system of cash cards. It is an enforcement-only system. London does not utilize gantries but instead relies upon camera technology to identify the license plates of all vehicles passing the point and sends this information to a central computer (Figure 32.13). At the end of each day, the list of vehicles identified entering the zone is compared to the list of vehicles that have made payments to the scheme operators. Any unpaid owners are referred for enforcement actions.\par
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London adopted a camera-based system rather than an electronic-gantry system for several reasons. First, the elimination of the in-vehicle electronic system and cash card would hopefully reduce administration costs. Second, London also had aesthetic concerns over the large overhead gantries employed in Singapore. Third, officials were concerned over the limitations of GPS-based systems to operate without interference in narrow urban roads lined by tall buildings.\par
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London’s system has some disadvantages. Unlike the Singapore system, London’s system has to charge a flat fee for a carefully defined area. To win political support, residents with motor vehicles inside the charging zone were given a 90 percent discount. This exemption has made expanding the zone difficult, as expanding the zone would also increase the number of people eligible for the discount. After the implementation of a western extension in 2007, it was dismantled by the new administration in 2011. Congestion is not uniform around a zone, particularly a larger zone. For a larger zone, it may be that there is minimal congestion on access roads serving lower-income areas and higher congestion on access roads serving higher-income populations. A point-specific charging system like Singapore has much greater potential to optimize charges to specific points of congestion.\par
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The license plate detection is not required to ensure payment, but rather it is only required to enforce nonpayment. For this reason, the system does not have to be 100 percent accurate; the system is only accurate enough to induce people to pay the fee voluntarily. The London system also has some trouble charging motorcycles, which are therefore exempt. The cameras incurred a failure rate of between 20 and 30 percent in reading motorcycle license plates due to the smaller size of the plates and the fact that motorcycles do not always operate in the center of the lane. Some license plates can be difficult to read due to bright glare or obstructions from trucks. In London motorcycles are exempted to ensure a high level of consumer confidence in the system, but in other cities with a large number of motorcycles they would need to be included.\par
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In addition to exempting motorcycles, the London congestion charge is also not applied to taxis, public transport, police and military vehicles, physically disabled persons, certain alternative-fuel vehicles, certain health-care workers, and tow trucks. As of 2011, vehicles that emit 100 grams per kilometer or less of CO2 and meet the Euro 5 standard for air quality will only need to pay US\$15.83 a year per vehicle to receive the exemption. This measure is in line with London’s vision to improve air quality and tackle climate change. The exempted vehicles represent 23 percent (twenty-five thousand vehicles) of the total traffic in the zone.\par
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London’s congestion charge has produced some impressive results. Congestion levels have been reduced by 30 percent after the first year, and the total number of vehicles entering the zone has dropped by 18 percent. Average speeds increased from 13 kilometers per hour to 18 kilometers per hour. Perhaps the most unexpected benefit was the impact on the London bus system. With less congestion, bus journey speeds increased by 7 percent, prompting a dramatic 37 percent increase in bus patronage. The revenues from London’s program are applied to supporting bus-priority infrastructure and bike-lane projects.\par
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\subsection{3}{Congestion Charging in Stockholm}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:case-studies:subSection:congestion-charging-in-stockholm}
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Stockholm joined London and Singapore in January 2006 as a large global city employing a congestion charge. Stockholm borrowed concepts from its two predecessors while also invoking several more recent technological innovations. The Stockholm charge was implemented after a seven-month trial period, with a majority of support from a public vote on whether to keep it.\par
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		\img{\hsize}{integration/assets/bd43bec86b54dfb0290aa42bf360a1aa7919aa54.jpeg}
		\fignote{14}{The Stockholm charge zone and the nineteen points of entry.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:the-stockholm-charge-zone-and-the-nineteen-points-of-entry}}{City of Stockholm.}
	}
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Stockholm’s charge zone includes the entire central area of the city, with a total of nineteen different gantry points permitting entry into the zone (Figure 32.14). Like Singapore, Stockholm has a fortuitous location, with bodies of water restricting the number of actual access points to the city center. Such naturally restricted entry eases the technical tasks of controlling a large number of entry points.\par
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The amount of the Stockholm charge depends on both the number of times a vehicle enters the central zone as well as the time of day (Table 32.2). For vehicles entering and exiting the charge zone multiple times per day, the maximum amount to be paid is US\$9. Like London and Singapore, several types of exemptions are permitted, including emergency vehicles, public-transport vehicles and school buses, taxis, vehicles with disability permits, environmentally-friendly vehicles (e.g., electric, ethanol, and biogas), and motorcycles. The capital cost for the six-month trial period of the charge was SEK 3.8 billion (or US\$572 million in 2013 equivalent value) (Pollard, 2006).\par
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\tabletitle{2}{Fee schedule for the Stockholm congestion charge}
\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:table:fee-schedule-for-the-stockholm-congestion-charge}
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	\color{gray75}\bfseries Time of crossing zone boundary& \color{gray75}\bfseries Cost (SEK)& \color{gray75}\bfseries Cost (US\$) \cr
	\noalign{\vskip 1mm} \hline \noalign{\vskip 2mm} 
	\color{gray50}06:30 – 07:00&
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Stockholm uses two different types of vehicle-detection technologies, which are similar to both the technologies used in London and Singapore. For regular travelers to the central area, motorists can obtain an electronic tag that automatically reads the vehicle’s entry into the area. With this electronic tag, the appropriate fee is automatically deducted from the person’s bank account. Approximately 60 percent of the people entering the zone utilize the electronic tag.\par
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Alternatively, for vehicles not employing the electronic tag, a camera technology similar to that of London is utilized. The camera detects the plate number on the vehicle, and the motorist has five days to pay the charge by post or at a shop. If the charge is not paid within five days, then a fine of US\$11 is assessed. After four weeks, the unpaid charge results in a fine of US\$80 (Webster, 2006).\par
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In the first month of operation, Stockholm’s congestion charge reduced congestion levels by 25 percent, which is equivalent to reducing private vehicle travel by approximately 100,000 cars each day. While London’s charge only applies once per day, in Stockholm drivers must pay each time they enter the congestion zone. The congestion charge has both influenced the time that people travel as well as their mode of choice. Approximately 2,000 drivers now travel to work earlier in order to enter the zone prior to the 06:30 start of the charge. Another 40,000 private motorists have now switched to public transport (Public CIO, 2006).\par
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Perhaps the most instructive lesson from Stockholm has been the manner of implementation. The congestion charge was applied as a six-month trial that ended in July 2006. In September 2006, the public voted on whether to continue with the charge. At the outset of the congestion charge experiment, approximately two-thirds (67 percent) of the public was opposed to it. On September 17, 2006, 52 percent of the public approved the referendum to make the congestion charge permanent.\par
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The referendum approach can thus be an effective mechanism to gain public support, permitting an initial trial. Otherwise, protests at the outset may prevent a project from happening at all. This approach, though, is not without its risks. As people experience the benefits of reduced congestion, support for the measure may dramatically increase, as was the case in Stockholm. Nevertheless, any city employing a referendum approach to project approval and project continuance must be prepared for a negative vote. However, giving people a democratic voice in applying TDM measures can be an approach that warrants serious consideration.\par
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\subsection{4}{Congestion Charging in Tehran}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:case-studies:subSection:congestion-charging-in-tehran}
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The success of the London, Singapore, and Stockholm pricing plans has attracted interest for similar projects in developing cities. The high-tech nature of congestion charging can increase its attractiveness to officials seeking to increase modern technologies in their cities.\par
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Tehran, Iran, is the most successful city to implement congestion pricing since London. The system first began operation at the end of April 2010, using Automatic Number Plate Recognition (ANPR) technology that takes photos of license plate numbers as they cross the cordon. Drivers must purchase a permit prior to entry in the charging zone. The plate numbers are cross-checked with registered vehicles at a control center. Daily permits cost US\$11.60, weeklong permits are US\$70, and annual permits cost US\$174. Payment can be done online or by phone. Drivers who do not pay in advance must pay a maximum penalty of US\$6,500. Disabled drivers can get a discount for the permit. Meanwhile, government and commercial vehicles all must pay, with a bigger charge for vehicles registered to companies. Tehran’s system includes 104 entrance points. Now, enforcement personnel circulate in the charging area to stop vehicles travelling without a permit. Initially, the system was enforced with police stationed at select intersections at the perimeter of the charging zone. Similar to Singapore, the system evolved to a more technologically driven solution.\par
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The area charge complemented the BRT that started operation in 2008. By 2011, the system already carried 1.8 million customers per day. During this time, it was reported that pollution decreased by 45 percent and travel times had decreased by 55 percent, largely due to the removal of private cars from the road. According to a Global Mass Transit report, nearly 35 percent of riders on the BRT system had never used public transport before it was implemented.\par
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\subsection{5}{Roadway Restrictions in Seoul}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:case-studies:subSection:roadway-restrictions-in-seoul}
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		\img{\hsize}{integration/assets/824e02c9fd3c02e217856d42c8a6114efc0562ba.jpeg}
		\fignote{15}{and Before image of the Cheonggyecheon corridor project in Seoul. Despite tearing down one of the principal expressways to the city, the resulting congestion impacts were minimal, especially since the new BRT corridors helped gain ridership from former car users.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:and-before-image-of-the-cheonggyecheon-corridor-project-in-seoul-despite-tearing-down-one-of-the-principal-expressways-to-the-city-the-resulting-congestion-impacts-were-minimal-especially-since-the-new-brt-corridors-helped-gain-ridership-from-former-car-users}}{Seoul Institute.}
	}
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		\fignote{16}{Fig 32.16 After image of the Cheonggyecheon corridor project in Seoul. Despite tearing down one of the principal expressways to the city, the resulting congestion impacts were minimal, especially since the new BRT corridors helped gain ridership from former car users.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:fig-3216-after-image-of-the-cheonggyecheon-corridor-project-in-seoul-despite-tearing-down-one-of-the-principal-expressways-to-the-city-the-resulting-congestion-impacts-were-minimal-especially-since-the-new-brt-corridors-helped-gain-ridership-from-former-car-users}}{Seoul Institute.}
	}
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Perhaps one of the most spectacular examples of this concept in practice is the Cheonggyecheon corridor project in Seoul. The Cheonggyecheon stream was historically a defining part of Seoul’s environment, and in fact was the reason why Seoul was selected as the capital of the Joseon Dynasty in 1394. In the face of modernization, the waterway was covered in 1961 to provide better access for private vehicles. By 1968, an elevated expressway provided another layer of concrete—erasing the memory of the waterway.\par
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Upon his election in 2002, Seoul Mayor Myung Bak Lee decided it was time to bring back the Cheonggyecheon stream. The Cheonggyecheon project has meant the restoration of 5.8 kilometers of waterway and historical pedestrian bridges, the creation of extensive green space, and the promotion of public art installations (Figures 32.15 and 32.16). Based upon a study by the Seoul Development Institute (2003), now known as the Seoul Institute, the Cheonggyecheon restoration project was predicted to produce economic benefits of between US\$8 billion to US\$23 billion, and create 113,000 new jobs. More than forty million visitors experienced the Cheonggyecheon stream during the first year after restoration.\par
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Further, despite the elevated expressway being the principal access way for cars into the city center, there were no significant congestion impacts. In part, the new Seoul BRT system helped defray some of the traffic impacts (Figure 32.17).\par
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		\fignote{17}{The new Seoul BRT system has helped make it possible to reduce road space dedicated exclusively to cars.\label{chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:figure:the-new-seoul-brt-system-has-helped-make-it-possible-to-reduce-road-space-dedicated-exclusively-to-cars}}{City of Seoul.}
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Softer “pull” tactics on this front include the weekly no driving day program in Seoul. People can get free parking, reduced-cost car washing, and reduced taxes and congestion charges if they use alternative transport at least one day every week. Participants receive a sticker for the rear window of their car, which is monitored using RFID technology to assess compliance. According to the city, the program has reduced traffic volumes by 3.7 percent since 2003, with a CO2 reduction of 10 percent and fuel savings amounting to USD\$50 million.\par
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\subsection{6}{Travel Blending in Santiago, Chile}
\label{volume:integration:chapter:transportation-demand-management-tdm:section:case-studies:subSection:travel-blending-in-santiago-chile}
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Several cities in Australia and Europe have developed a new technique for achieving dramatic changes in mode shares at very low costs. The technique, known as “travel blending,” is a form of social marketing. The idea is to simply give people more information on their commuting options through a completely personalized process, and then facilitating changes in travel behavior. This can help decrease the number of private motor vehicles on the road, as drivers decide to shift to BRT. More information on this technique is provided in Chapter 11: Marketing.\par
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